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  •  Yours is a new generation which live in a technology world but also in a dangerous environment, and your challenge is to put everything of you to build a better world.

    How will you make it? In your families and in the American tradition you have learned the values that will guide you in this pledge: Responsibility, tolerance, charity, respect towards the other ones and towards the planet that we inhabit.

    Back in 1998, I had the supreme honor of being elected President of the Republic of Colombia, through the highest number of votes in the history of my country. It was not an easy task. My nation was facing – and is still facing – a problem of huge complexity: In the midst of the honest and tough working life led by more than 40 million of Colombians, two illegal armed rival groups were growing and pervading every corner like an oil spill across the territory. Their membership does not even reach 0.1 per cent of Colombian population; but they have on their side the destabilizing power of violence.

    There are the guerrilla’s – mainly represented by the FARC and the ELN – and there are also the illegal self defense groups. The worse thing is that both sides share a common denominator: they thrive mainly on the money produced by the drug traffic as well as by kidnapping and extortion. More than a fight for power, they are waging a war for the control of territories they can use to conduct their illegal activities.

    It is a very old conflict whose origins go back further than four decades in the past, but that has been degrading day by day with the help of drug money and the use of terrorism against civilians. This is why I have always said to the world: In Colombia there is no civil war. What we have is a war waged by a few against civil society!

    As soon as I won the elections, my first aim, in front of my conscience and in front of my fellow Colombians, was to do everything possible, and even go beyond what was possible, to reach peace through dialog and political negotiation.

    I have always believed this is the way to do it. Gandhi was right when he said: “There are no roads to peace, peace is the way“. And he was right because we have to ask ourselves: How can we pretend to reach peace in a country over the corpses of the dead and the misery of the maimed? How can we build true peace over foundations of hate, resentment and humiliation? Dear friends, I do not believe in the peace of the victors and the vanquished. I do believe, nonetheless, in a peace built through dialog, because only the peace born of a peaceful instrument is destined to survive.

    With these ideal riveted to my heart I confronted all the risks that were to be overcome in order to pursue this objective which is the greatest aspiration of my people. As President elected, but before I was inaugurated, I met the chief commander of the FARC, a man known by his nom de guerre Manuel Marulanda or “Tirofijo” in a remote place in the mountains of Colombia. I did it without being given any assurance, putting at risk my life and my freedom, but being convinced that it was necessary to talk face to face in order to set the right perspectives to open the road towards peace.

    Seven years have elapsed since then. I met another two times the leader of the guerrillas – I was already President by then – but unfortunately, the objective was not reached. It was a profound, daring and sincere attempt. It was supported by the International Community as well as by the whole country. In this process we invested a lot in order to build-up confidence but we got back only actions of death and destruction.

    I must say with sorrow that the warlords did not listen to the clamor of the people; they did not meet the offers made to incorporate them to the peaceful life of the nation; they still prefer the ways of the weapons to the ways of democracy.

    Nevertheless, I haven’t lost my faith in the human being and in the means of peace as the sole alternative to set the foundations of a commonwealth. This faith is the most profound treasure I can share with you today.

    Dear friends:

    Tolerance, as Victor Hugo said, “is the best religion”. In a world with more than six thousand million people the best advice you can give to anyone is: be tolerant, which means: learn from others, show respect to others and appreciate our differences.  If we all just learned and practiced this little lesson, our life and life in the world would be peaceful and harmonic.

    Personal dreams cannot be separated from collective dreams. You must not forget that you are members of a global community named Earth and that you have a special responsibility to fulfill towards her and towards your neighbors.

    The future, dear friends, will be as good as the future we, ourselves, build. You have the power of youth and the tools to create the best possible tomorrow. Don’t miss your chance!


    Lugar y fecha

    Colorado, Estados Unidos
    2005

    Es difícil encontrar un personaje tan vital, tan diverso en sus intereses y sus talentos, tan emprendedor y tan eficaz en sus proyectos, como mi buena amiga María Paulina Espinosa de López, o “Pum Pum”, como la conocemos desde siempre todos sus allegados.

    Por eso no me asombra que en esta oportunidad nos reunamos de nuevo en torno a su nombre y trayectoria, esta vez para lanzar un libro que recoge los mejores momentos de su paso por el periodismo radial, donde dirigió y sostuvo por varios años el programa “Integración”, la primera revista radial de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones.

    Lo coloquial y lo trascendente, lo anodino y lo histórico, la información y el análisis, lo grato y la tragedia, todo ese caleidoscopio de realidades, capturaron durante varios años la atención de cientos de oyentes que estuvieron alertas a sintonizarse con la pasión de quien cumplía religiosamente una cita amorosa con este programa comunitario que acercaba distancias y eliminaba fronteras.

    No era para menos. La voz cantante de esta saga periodística fue María Paulina Espinosa de López. Junto a ella trabajaban dos talentosos y experimentados periodistas, Juan Vitta,  en Colombia,  y José Luis Castillo, en el Ecuador, con quienes constituía un trío sensible que se conectaba a un auditorio conformado por las voces de los colombianos de la diáspora, o por aquellos que buscaban de manera incesante nuevas realidades para trascender como colectividad.

    Esa cobertura periodística implicó la creación de una cadena de corresponsales en el Perú, Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia y Colombia, quienes ayudaron a amplificar las voces de la Comunidad Andina, representadas en diversos estamentos de la sociedad civil, instituciones gubernamentales, figuras sobresalientes del arte y la cultura, personajes de la política y ciudadanos comunes y corrientes, que llevaron la voz de las comunidades a la radio.

    Como quien dirige una orquesta sinfónica, María Paulina aportaba su capacidad de convocatoria y su olfato periodístico para armar cada día la agenda informativa de la Revista Radial Integración.

    Como resultado de este esfuerzo brillante y solidario, su voz se convirtió en una voz de referencia para los ciudadanos de las comunidades andinas, quienes aprendieron, en ese espacio noticioso diario, que son más las identidades comunes que las diferencias.

    En los últimos años, cientos de programas de radio fueron transmitidos por la Cadena Súper de Colombia y Radio Sonorama en Ecuador. Fueron numerosas horas de transmisión en las que el equipo periodístico estuvo comprometido en cautivar la inteligencia y la imaginación de los oyentes con ideas, propuestas y conocimientos ofrecidos por diversos personajes en el ámbito de la economía, la cultura, la política, la ciencia y los temas fronterizos.

    La publicación que hoy se lanza reúne los momentos irrepetibles en los que se conjugaron la oportunidad periodística, la reflexión lúcida sobre los problemas y las voces de muchos hombres y mujeres que participaron en los temas que la dinámica informativa convirtió en interesantes debates públicos.

    En el corazón de estas controversias profundas, amenas y plenas de argumentos, estaban siempre María Paulina, Juan y José Luis, marcando el paso, formulando la pregunta oportuna y sutil, conduciendo a su personaje invitado hacia esos terrenos en los que el diálogo se abre hacia zonas insospechadas, revelando facetas inéditas del entrevistado o estableciendo puntos de vista polémicos sobre la agenda informativa del día.

    Además de una amiga solidaria y afectuosa, mía y de Nohra, debo reconocer en Pum Pum a una colaboradora política incondicional y extraordinaria. Su generoso apoyo durante mis dos campañas a la Presidencia de la República la convirtió en una personalidad infaltable a la hora de diseñar estrategias creativas y audaces para sensibilizar a los colombianos en torno a nuestro proyecto de gobierno.

    Por sus méritos personales, la consideré la persona más indicada para desempeñarse, bajo mi gobierno, como Embajadora de Colombia en Expo Hannover 2000 en Alemania, para que llevara a cabo la tarea de dinamizar y ampliar la compleja agenda internacional con todos los países del mundo.

    Con su visión y entusiasmo indeclinable, Pum Pum creó y mantuvo uno de los escenarios más sugestivos y singulares de la feria, como lo fue el stand de Colombia en ese evento.

    María Paulina tiene la virtud de convertir sus sueños y ambiciones positivas en realidades. Lo demostró una vez más con su entusiasta tarea al frente del Viceministerio de Turismo, donde impulsó relaciones con países de Europa y América, muy especialmente con la Comunidad Andina, poniendo al día a un sector de la economía moderna que en Colombia daba visos de estancamiento, falta de estímulos gubernamentales y ausencia de innovación legal y empresarial.

    En el primer gobierno del presidente Uribe, María Paulina fue Embajadora de Colombia en el Ecuador por casi tres años, donde realizó una misión tan destacada que fue nombrada por el gobierno de Lucio Gutiérrez y el canciller Patricio Zuquilanda como “la Embajadora  Estrella”.

    El reconocimiento a dicha labor ha venido de ambas orillas, la colombiana y la ecuatoriana, donde hay consenso respecto a que su gestión diplomática marcó un antes y un después por la suma de sus resultados en el campo de la inmigración, la seguridad fronteriza, la cultura, el intercambio comercial, las inversiones comunes y la construcción de una comunicación fluida, clara y precisa con nuestros interlocutores ecuatorianos tanto del sector público como privado.

    Es importante resaltar que este proyecto editorial no hubiera sido posible sin la colaboración generosa de numerosas empresas y personas de Ecuador y Colombia, quienes de manera incondicional apoyaron desde el inicio esta quimera periodística que logró convertirse en una ventana a través de la cual se escucharon voces de esperanza y solidaridad.

    El empeño y el entusiasmo de María Paulina han permitido recopilar más de 180 reportajes durante un periodo de fructíferas labores. Por fortuna, su trabajo radial no concluye allí. Actualmente, con su vena periodística en plena actividad, es la directora, junto con Alberto Abello, de un programa radial con las mismas especificaciones del anterior, pero con una audiencia ampliada a todos los hispanoparlantes, desde España hasta la Patagonia, con el nombre de Fusión Hispanoamericana, en la misma cadena de radio Súper.

    Así que, para nuestra fortuna, tenemos Pum Pum para rato, creando, imaginando y generando ideas, y hoy contamos con este interesante libro para recrear las voces y los personajes que respondieron a su invitación y sus preguntas.

    Ella sabe muy bien que sólo intentando lo imposible se puede realizar lo posible. La suya es una trayectoria vital de la que todos podemos aprender.

    Muchas gracias


    Lugar y fecha

    Bogotá, Colombia
    2007

    Good afternoon. It is a pleasure to be here at the Center for American Progress, with so many good friends of Colombia, to examine the state of our bilateral partnership and discuss what lies on the horizon.

    I’d like to thank my good friend, John Podesta, for his thoughtful invitation to speak among such a qualified team, Russell Crandall, Nelson Cunningham, Congressman Sam Farr and Isaac Lee. I am sure this is going to be a very interesting discussion.

    Americans and the world recently witnessed the strength and commitment of Colombia’s democracy. Our recent elections for Congress and the Presidency were contested by candidates from several political parties, representing a variety of different policies and ideologies. These campaigns were conducted with a very high degree of transparency, fairness, and with respect for election laws and regulations. They offered a spirited political debate with the electorate. They were free of violence. Colombian voters participated in record turnout. The results have been accepted by both winners and losers, all sectors of Colombian society, and by the international community.

    In a country where violent terrorist groups have sought for many years to undermine our democratic foundations and institutions, we have seen – once again – the resilience and determination of the Colombian people. Our democracy is not designed to win favor or approval from international audiences. It is deeply imbedded into the political and social fabric of the nation. Thousands of Colombians have given their life to defend it. Many millions of citizens renewed our firm commitment to it when they went to the polling stations this year.

    To look ahead to where Colombia is heading in the next four years, it is important to look back at the progress achieved over the past eight. The Colombian nation has undergone a dramatic change in this period. Public confidence in public institutions has risen considerably. The population and government are united behind a strategy and a political leadership that is working to curb drug trafficking and violence, improve living standards and build a strong economy and society.

    U.S. support for Plan Colombia has been a critical component of this sea change in Colombia. This program, passed in 2000 by bipartisan majorities in both chambers of the U.S. Congress, has been implemented by two administrations in Bogotá and in Washington. The U.S. has provided about 4.5 billion dollars in social, economic and security assistance to date, while Colombia has invested 7 billion dollars.

    By way of comparison, the 4.5 billions that the United States has invested in Colombia over the past six years is equal to about what the U.S. spends in Iraq every 22 days.

    Plan Colombia has provided many benefits, but perhaps most importantly, it has enabled both our governments to agree on a core strategy for addressing the goals we share for peace, democracy, institution-building and economic growth in Colombia. It has offered a roadmap for progress, one embarked on in 2000 by my administration and that of President Bill Clinton, which has been continued and implemented by our successors, President Alvaro Uribe and George W. Bush and the U.S. Congress. Plan Colombia has provided a continuity of policy and priorities in our bilateral relationship over these past eight years.

    Plan Colombia required both our nations to make difficult commitments, and to share in the burden of working for peace, and reducing drugs, violence and poverty. For many years, the United States urged Colombia to invest more in its own defense. Today, Colombia has a very different military and police than before Plan Colombia.

    We have increased defense spending every year since 2000. This year, defense is almost 20% of our national budget. As a result, Colombia has 60% more combat-ready troops today than when Plan Colombia was enacted. Every municipality in rural Colombia has a permanent government and police presence – this is making a difference in reducing rural violence.

    A critical factor in improving our military forces is improved air mobility. For the first time, Colombia has established air sovereignty throughout most of its national territory. We have reduced drug trafficking flights within Colombia, and we are able to move military resources more freely and quickly around the country to where they are needed. Improved air mobility has given us a competitive advantage against traffickers and terrorist groups.

    Colombia and the U.S. are implementing a drug strategy based on four fundamental elements:

    • The first is aerial and manual eradication of coca and poppy crops – the raw materials necessary for illegal drug production. Aerial spraying has increased from 47,000 hectares in 2000 to 138,775 hectares last year. Manual eradication destroyed an additional 31,000 hectares of coca and 497 hectares of poppy last year.

    • Second, there is a heightened focus on interdiction of illegal drugs at their source in Colombia, before they reach the vast U.S. market. Colombian forces interdicted 223 metric tonnes of cocaine last year. This is an estimated 3-4 billion dollars in street value of drugs that did not reach American streets, school and communities. Since 2000, we have seized between 35 and 40 billion dollars in street value of cocaine and heroin.

    • Third, Colombia has extradited 446 individuals on drug trafficking charges to the United States since the beginning of Plan Colombia. Prior to Plan Colombia, only one suspected drug trafficker was extradited to the U.S. Our joint extradition policy impacts the war on drugs in Colombia in two ways: It brings criminals to justice, removing them from the production and trafficking in illegal drugs. And it serves to break up and dismantle trafficking cartels and networks. No wonder extradition is the judicial tool that drug traffickers fear the most. No country in the world cooperates more with the United States on extradition than does Colombia.

    • And fourth, we have in Colombia a larger, more professional and effective military and police, which I have previously outlined.

    Judicial cooperation is also an important part of our bilateral relationship. U.S. support and training is helping Colombia make a successful transition from an inquisitory to an accusatorial criminal justice system. Since Plan Colombia began, the United States has offered almost 600 courses of training for transition to accusatory system to more than 18 thousand prosecutors, judges and criminal investigators. This is an enormous and difficult task, but it will make our judicial system more efficient and effective.

    Colombia’s fight against drug traffickers and illegal groups has been waged according to the democratic and human rights values we share with the United States. Our security forces are both more professional and capable and have greater respect for human rights and international humanitarian law. Training from the U.S. has contributed to this trend.

    There are still instances of abuse, including isolated incidents by Colombian security forces. But we are putting into place the mechanisms, and we have in place already the political will, to achieve the goal of zero tolerance for abuses of human rights and international humanitarian law.

    In addition to a greater commitment by both my government and the Uribe government, there is today a vibrant, activist NGO community working in support of human rights. Their efforts, and those of the government, have made the Colombian public more aware of the importance of protecting the human rights of all our citizens to our democracy and social fabric.

    In addition to improvements in security, Colombia has made significant progress in several economic and social development areas. Colombia has created more than 3 million jobs in the last four years, and unemployment has fallen from a high of 20% in the late nineties to around 10% today. As a result, poverty is declining. Colombians living below the poverty rate fell from 57% of the population in 2002 to 49.2% last year. And Colombians living in extreme poverty declined even further – from 20% in 2002 to 14.7% last year.

    Over the past year, we have been discussing how to make U.S. assistance to Colombia even more productive. We have argued that increased flexibility in implementing Plan Colombia programs can ensure this investment achieves the best results. For this reason, we are pleased that the House of Representatives this year has earmarked 135 million dollars for Colombia in the Economic Support Fund, rather than in the Andean Counterdrug Initiative.

    Economic growth in Colombia has been strong for the last six years. GDP rose 5.2% last year, and a similar growth rate is expected in 2006. Inflation remains modest. And Colombia last year attracted a record level of foreign investment in a variety of sectors, including energy, infrastructure, manufacturing and services. We are particularly experiencing renewed interest by foreign investors in our oil and gas sector, in the wake of Colombia offering a more attractive contract regime to encourage new exploration and production. This is good news for Colombia, but also for the United States as it seeks to diversify its energy imports.

    Colombia’s rural, agriculture economy has been a part of the country’s economic resurgence. This is important, because we need to provide opportunities for rural peasants to grow legal crops instead of coca and poppies. Colombia’s agriculture production rose from 28.7 million metric tonnes in 2002 to 33.3 million metric tonnes last year.

    Colombia’s improved fiscal condition is enabling the government to make long-term investments in important social areas, such as education, housing and health care. Last year, student participation in mandatory education rose to 90%. Compare this to 1990, when the student participation rate was only 53%.

    Today, 73% of the total population – or 33 million citizens – have health care coverage. This year, the Colombian government’s central budget for education, health care and social programs will be 12.7 billion dollars – this is a significant amount of investment in an economy with a total GDP of about 100 billions.

    The Colombian-U.S. economic relationship is dynamic and promising. Our bilateral trade today exceeds 12 billion dollars. As the Colombian economy has improved over the past five years, its imports from the United States have risen significantly, including a 21.9% increase in 2005.

    The recently negotiated Colombian-U.S. Trade Promotion Agreement, which will establish a permanent, free trade agreement between our countries, will provide reciprocity in our bilateral trade relationship for the first time. Several U.S. business sectors will benefit from immediate, improved access for exporting their goods and services into Colombia. And Colombian exporters will be assured of permanent, tariff-free access to the U.S. market. The current Andean Trade Promotion and Drug Eradication Act expires at the end of this year.

    An important component of the Trade Promotion Agreement is the transparency, predictability and increased confidence it will provide to a new generation of American investors in Colombia. The stock of U.S. investment in Colombia today exceeds 3 billion dollars, mostly in the energy, mining and manufacturing sectors. However, there is a significant capacity for expanding U.S. investment across all business sectors, and the result will be to create thousands of new jobs in Colombia. Colombia companies will benefit from establishing new partnerships with U.S. entities. In this sense, the TPA will be the real “alternative development” program in Colombia.

    As we demobilize thousands of illegal actors and convince peasant families to give up growing illegal crops, we have to provide them with jobs and a livelihood. More than any single action, the Trade Promotion Agreement can help us achieve this.

    There is hope in the U.S. Congress that Colombia will be able to take over more of the funding of Plan Colombia in future years. That is a goal we share. But we are not there yet. Successful implementation of the TPA will determine how quickly we can reach this point.

    The TPA must now be ratified by both the Colombian and U.S. Congress. The Colombian government will be meeting with Congress in the weeks and months ahead to discuss how this agreement benefits both our nations, not only in advancing bilateral trade and investment, but in solidifying the partnership between our two countries in democracy, security and stability.

    No doubt, some will raise questions about Colombia improving its performance in areas such as protecting intellectual property, in promoting labor rights and the environment. This agreement includes strong provisions in each of these areas, and Colombia is determined to live up to all its obligations.

    Looking ahead over the next four years, I can envision the following scenarios for Colombia and our relationship with the United States.

    • First and foremost, there will be a continuity of policy goals and direction between Bogotá and Washington. Because our societies share the same values, and because our respective political leadership shares similar strategic objectives, we will be able to build on the strong foundation that has been constructed over the past eight years. Here in Washington, we hope that U.S. policy towards Colombia will continue to have strong bipartisan support from both Republicans and Democrats.

    • Second, we envision continued progress to demobilize and disarm illegal actors in Colombia. The goal of the Colombian peace process is to complete the demobilization of the AUC, and make progress on demobilizing the ELN and FARC. The size and scale of these demobilizations are extraordinary, and so are the challenges they present to both our society and economy. We will need extensive support from the United States and international community to be successful.

    • Third, we must continue to strengthen Colombia’s security forces. We must ensure that our military and police are strong enough to fill the void that will be created as we disarm thousands of guerrilla and paramilitary forces. Demobilized combatants must not be replaced by a new generation of drug traffickers or terrorist groups. As long as there is a demand for drugs in the world, someone in Colombia will seek to provide them. We will need continued U.S financial and technical aid, as well as judicial, intelligence and law enforcement cooperation, to ensure that a new generation of traffickers does not emerge.

    • Fourth, the Colombian economy will continue to grow at a healthy, sustainable rate. The benefits of this expansion will reach broad areas of the economy and society, raising incomes and creating jobs and opportunity. A successful implementation of the Colombia-U.S. Trade Promotion Agreement – one that not only increases bilateral commerce but also attracts new investment – could reduce unemployment in Colombia from its current level of 10% to 5% in the first four or five years after it comes into force. This would have a very real and lasting benefit for both fostering peace and alleviating poverty in Colombia.

    • Finally, I believe Colombia will continue to be one of the United States’ strongest and most reliable allies and friends in the Western Hemisphere. We know there is a battle for “hearts and minds” across the region. There is some frustration that the benefits of globalization and democracy are not reaching all sectors of our societies across Latin America. The fundamental values which both our nations share – democracy, free markets, human rights, among others – must prevail in this struggle. And they will if we are a positive example of how these values improve lives, and build strong societies and dynamic economic systems.

    In conclusion, Colombia is on a solid path to peace and progress. Colombians are grateful for the strong support of the American people as we work to address difficult challenges. There is still much hard ahead of us in the next four years. But we can succeed because we know that our bilateral relationship today is a true and valued partnership.

    Thank you.


    Lugar y fecha

    Washington, Estados Unidos
    18 de julio del 2006

    inline_607_http://andrespastrana.org/apav2/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/CARTA-DEL-PRERSIDENTE-DE-LOS-ESTADOS-UNIDOS-G-W-BUSH-FELICITANDO-A-COLOMBIA-POR-SU-FIESTA-NACIONAL-JULIO-14-2006.jpg></img></br><h2>Lugar y fecha</h2>Washington, Estados Unidos
14 de julio de 2006

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    inline_167_http://andrespastrana.org/apav2/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/CARTA-SENADOR-JEFF-SESSIONS-SEPTIEMBRE-6-2006.jpg></img></br><h2>Lugar y fecha</h2>Washington, Estados Unidos
6 de septiembre de 2006

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    La de Santos, una paz sin convicción

    Por: María Elvira Bonilla

    “¿Presidente, por qué creer en el proceso de paz? Porque esos tipos no tienen otra opción”. Esa fue la respuesta que Juan Manuel Santos le dio a la periodista María Clara Gracia, según cuenta en su columna.

    Una respuesta decepcionante que desnuda el fondo de la postura gubernamental frente a las negociaciones de La Habana, donde prima el pragmatismo instrumental sobre lo fundamental.

    Y es precisamente por esto, por haber asumido el mayor desafío que tiene Colombia, no con el talante de un gobernante, de un estadista con convicciones, sino con el inmediatismo de los políticos de nuestro tiempo y de nuestro país, asesorados por los J. J. Rendón , verdaderos expertos en el uso de triquiñuelas y atajos para anunciar resultados que permitan subir en las encuestas y, paradójicamente, puede ser esta la razón por la que Santos no repunta. Y tampoco logra entusiasmar al país con la paz que sigue siendo más un enunciado y una buena intención, pero pobre en sus contenidos. Una paz que se negocia en la clandestinidad, como si se tratara de un tema vergonzante.

    El presidente se equivoca. No es cierto que “a esos tipos no les queda de otra”. Las Farc están golpeadas, disminuidas militarmente, pero no derrotadas. Tienen una innegable presencia entre sectores de las bases sociales rurales que se sienten interpretados en las propuestas de reformas que defienden en la mesa de La Habana. Santos pareciera no haber aprendido la lección que le dieron los campesinos cuando los menospreció con su temeraria afirmación de que “el tal paro nacional agrario no existe”. Y recuerden lo que pasó.

    Contrasta en esto con la actitud del expresidente Andrés Pastrana en la negociación con las Farc, en su relato de primera mano Memorias olvidadas. Pastrana llegó incluso a asumir riesgos de seguridad personal cuando audazmente decidió viajar como presidente electo, sin protección oficial, a Caquetania a entrevistarse con el máximo comandante de las Farc, en momentos en que controlaban la región del Caguán. Pastrana quiso dialogar cara a cara con Manuel como le decía, para sentar las bases de una negociación a la que el país le apostó con entusiasmo y que respaldó electoralmente en 1998. Ya presidente en ejercicio viajó incluso dos veces más para a intentar enrutar el fallido proceso, al que las Farc no le apostaron en serio porque se consideraban, no sin razón en ese momento, militarmente fuertes. Su testimonio es impactante porque denota, contrario a Santos, convicción, mucha convicción, así las cosas no le hayan salido. Los tres encuentros muestran un trato respetuoso con la cabeza del grupo guerrillero, como en su momento hizo el presidente Clinton como anfitrión del encuentro entre Isaac Rabbin y Yasser Arafat en la Casa Blanca. Como tiene que ser, así el contendor sea un alzado en armas, protagonista de una guerra demencial y estéril.

    La visión que tiene Santos de la negociación con las Farc es una expresión más de su manera de gobernar y de entender la política. La misma que se expresó en “la mermelada” preelectoral, cocinada en la propia Casa de Nariño para lograr una coalición de conveniencia pegada con nombramientos y contratos, y no alrededor de propósitos. Esto sin duda le puede funcionar para tramitar leyes, hacerse reelegir, pero no para transformar un país con un proceso de paz. Mejor sería que con esto no jugara con candela.

    Fuente: http://www.elespectador.com/opinion/de-santos-una-paz-sin-conviccion-columna-479739


    Fecha

    9 de marzo del 2014



    Lugar y fecha

    Caracas, Venezuela
    25 de enero del 2015

    Reverendo Padre
    LUIS FERNANDO ÁLVAREZ LONDOÑO S. J.
    Decano Académico
    Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas
    Pontificia Universidad Javeriana

    Bogotá

    Apreciado Padre Álvarez:

    Si bien la distancia me impide atender su amable invitación y la de la Fundación Konrad Adenauer para asistir al Acto Académico de presentación del libro “Derecho Internacional Público” del profesor Matthias Herdegen, como hubiera sido mi más sincero deseo, quiero con estas palabras expresarles mi felicitación por dar realce a la oportuna aparición en el medio intelectual colombiano de un tratado de tal importancia y calidad.

    He tenido la grata fortuna de conocer al profesor Matthias Herdegen desde hace varios años y de cultivar con él y con su esposa María Helena una larga y cercana amistad. Gracias a ello, he sido testigo de excepción de las calidades personales, profesionales y académicas del profesor Herdegen, cuya trayectoria intelectual y jurídica es simplemente impresionante, desde su vinculación a la cátedra en universidades como la de Bonn y la de Constanza, su asesoría a gobiernos y entidades internacionales, y su continua actividad como conferencista y profesor invitado, -de la cual nos hemos visto varias veces beneficiados en Colombia-, hasta su amplia producción bibliográfica que tanto ha contribuido a profundizar y actualizar los conceptos del Derecho Público.

    El profesor Matthias Herdegen, a quien muchas veces acudí durante mi gobierno para obtener su consejo prudente, ilustrado y desinteresado, ha sido siempre un enamorado de Colombia y un estudioso de sus diferentes procesos políticos, jurídicos y económicos. Su visión, siempre atenta a nuestros desarrollos constitucionales, puede ser de gran ayuda a nuestro país, especialmente ahora, cuando nuestra Carta fundamental se ve sometida a continuas reformas e innovaciones, cuyos efectos alteran la forma de hacer política, la evolución de nuestra democracia y la vida misma de los colombianos.

    “Derecho Internacional Público”, del profesor Herdegen, será un libro que dará mucho que pensar a los intelectuales y académicos del país, que esperaban ansiosos la oportunidad de disfrutar de sus tesis en castellano.

    Reciban de nuevo mis más efusivas felicitaciones por la realización de este bienvenido lanzamiento que enriquecerá los conocimientos de miles de estudiantes, catedráticos y juristas, y de todo aquel que entienda las profundas implicaciones del Derecho en la vida nacional.

    Con un cordial saludo,

    Andrés Pastrana Arango


    Lugar y fecha

    Madrid, España
    10 de junio del 2005
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